Author: Obaba Victor

It is shortly after 08:00 hours in Kampala, two hours ahead of Lagos.

The OAU session for the day has already begun. The hall is settled. Amadou-Mahtar M’Bow, then Director-General of UNESCO, is addressing the conference. Idi Amin is chairing the session. He has just delivered his keynote address when news reaches him that something had happened in Nigeria. The information is sketchy but credible. It has been reported by Reuters.

Yakubu Gowon, who had probably heard rumours of the news arrives late. As he takes his place, Amin signals to him. Gowon is called to the high table. Amin shows him a folded piece of paper. The message is brief. A coup has been announced in Nigeria. Gowon reads it without visible reaction. He returns to his seat. For a period, he says nothing. Then he beckons to Usman Faruk, the Military Governor of the North Western State, who is part of the Nigerian delegation. When Faruk leans in, Gowon speaks quietly, in Hausa:

 

 Abin da mu ke jin tsoro, ya faru a gida. (What we feared has happened at home).

 

The session continues.

By the time the note reached Gowon, the coup was already several hours old. It had been meticulously executed with surgical precision. Lagos had already heard the first radio broadcast, which bore no language of treason, nor talk of ideology.

“Fellow Nigerians. “Events of the past few years have indicated that despite our great human and material resources, the Government has not been able to fulfil the legitimate expectations of our people. Nigeria has been left to drift. This situation, if not arrested, would inevitably have resulted in chaos and even bloodshed. “In the endeavour to build a strong, united and virile nation, Nigerians have shed much blood. The thought of further bloodshed, for whatever reasons must, I am sure, be revolting to our people. The Armed Forces, having examined the situation, came to the conclusion that certain changes were inevitable…

 

The accusation was framed as an administrative failure – the usual corruption, indecision, and the stalled transition to civilian rule. This wasn’t a rebellion in the dramatic sense but a precise surgical strike. The subtle genius of all this was the way silence itself became a weapon against Gowon, just like it had been used against the whole country during the counter-coup of July 1966. Remember that for three days (July 29-31, 1966), the whereabouts of General Ironsi was unknown. Brigadier Ogundipe had sent Lt. Col Gowon to negotiate with the coup plotters, only for him to come back as Head of State. Well, you’re already piecing the picture, right?

This time, every single person who might have defended Gowon, every loyalist, had either been neutralised, co-opted, or simply frozen by caution. It wasn’t out of confusion or fear, but simply a reasonable political calculation. One thing was clear, Gowon had already run out of goodwill from his major constituency (the Army). Reading Murtala Muhammed’s speech from Kampala, he would have known immediately that the country he thought he still controlled was gone.

That calm, firm tone in the broadcast was a demonstration of decisiveness by a rebel who had facilitated the rise of Gowon in the first place. And when you step back and think about Gowon himself, it tells you a lot. Here was a man who had survived a civil war, navigated the fractious politics of a newly independent Nigeria, and held the country together through almost impossible circumstances.

Ironically, he was not confronted by street chaos or mobs, but by the quiet efficiency of men he had once commanded. At this moment, he realised, almost philosophically, that power can slip away in silence. Betrayal isn’t always loud. Sometimes, it’s just the quiet click of a plan executed without error.

While addressing a press conference in Kampala, he quoted Shakespeare’s As You Like It to reflect on his exit from power, saying,

“All the world is a stage and all the men and women merely players. They have their exits and their entrances”.

It was clear that he had learned a great lesson. While quoting Shakespeare, he must have realised that loyalty and charisma have limits, even history has its limits. The military, that very institution that had made him Head of State, had grown pragmatic, restless, and disillusioned. Gowon had held power but in that OAU hall in Kampala, he saw clearly how fragile that power really was.

 

But when did his trouble really start?

To answer that properly, we need to go back to how Gowon entered the military and how he came to power in the first place.

Yakubu Gowon joined the Nigerian Army in 1954. He was part of the generation of officers who entered the army just before independence. At that time, the military was one of the few national institutions that offered upward mobility across regional lines. It was structured, disciplined, and still heavily influenced by British training. He trained at Sandhurst and later attended staff courses in the UK. That training shaped his outlook. Gowon was not ideological, he was institutional. He believed in hierarchy, order, and procedure. He was not known as a radical officer. If anything, he was seen as steady and professional.

By January 1966, when the first military coup in Nigeria happened, he had just returned from a course in the UK. The coup, led by Major Ifeajuna and Nzeogwu, had seen to the death of many senior political leaders and several northern officers. In the midst of this chaos, Major General Ironsi took power. The country became tense, especially in the North, where the coup was viewed through an ethnic lens.

Maj. Gen. Ironsi, the new Head of State, appointed Gowon as the first Chief of Army Staff, one of the youngest officers to hold the position. This was significant because it showed he was trusted, but it also showed something else: he was acceptable across factions in a military that was already developing internal suspicions.

 

The counter-coup in July 1966, however, changed everything again. Ironsi was killed. The military hierarchy was shattered. Many of the most senior officers were either dead or politically compromised. What remained was a fractured officer corps looking for someone who could hold the centre. Gowon was not the most senior or the most forceful. But he was the most acceptable.

Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, who was next in line after Ironsi, attempted to assume command. On paper, succession should have been straightforward; however, the reality was murky. The northern officers who had executed the counter-coup were not prepared to take orders from him. Rank, in that moment, became just an accessory. Authority had shifted to those who controlled the guns.

Ogundipe’s position became untenable almost immediately. He needed someone the mutineers would accept. Gowon fit that requirement. He was northern, but had not been associated with the January coup. He was also senior enough to be credible, yet not so senior as to threaten the officers who had just taken decisive action. Moreover, he was professional and, importantly, seen as cautious.

So, Brigadier Ogundipe sent Lt. Col. Gowon to speak to the coup plotters. That decision proved decisive.

On 1 August 1966, to the bewilderment of Ogundipe, Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon was announced as Head of State. That was the real beginning of his long-term dilemma. His elevation was not the result of a structured constitutional transfer, but a settlement (a compromise inside a divided military). He emerged as a leader because he was the point at which competing interests temporarily converged. That gave him the office, it did not automatically give him deep-rooted loyalty. From the first day, his authority rested on a balance. In fact, when General Muritala’s memo was rejected by Gowon in 1972, he was quoted by Shehu Shagari, the then Finance Minister to have said:

“Don’t mind him!” “We shall soon change him. We put him there and we can remove him anytime!”[1]

In essence, Gowon’s authority, from the very beginning, was conditional. He was Head of State, yes. But he was also the product of a negotiation inside a wounded institution. The July 1966 counter-coup had not restored order in a clean, constitutional sense. It had merely shifted the balance of force. Those who carried out the mutiny did not want to govern directly. They wanted someone who could stabilise the situation without threatening them. Gowon became that bridge.

But, you know, bridges are meant to connect interests. They are rarely sovereign in their own right. That early dependence shaped his style in office. He governed carefully and avoided humiliating powerful officers. He always consulted widely, which made him move slowly where others might have moved decisively. In 1966, that caution was an asset. Nigeria was on edge. The regions were suspicious of one another. The army itself was fractured along ethnic and generational lines. A forceful or ideological leader might have accelerated disintegration.

Then came Aburi in January 1967. The meeting between Gowon and Ojukwu in Ghana has been interpreted in many ways, but one thing is clear: it exposed the tension between military collegiality and political sovereignty. At Aburi, the atmosphere was informal, almost fraternal. Agreements were reached verbally. But once back in Lagos, federal civil servants and advisers warned that implementing Aburi as understood by Ojukwu would hollow out the centre. Gowon initially hesitated but eventually modified the interpretation through Decree No. 8. That hesitation mattered. To Ojukwu, it confirmed the distrust that had built up from the assassination of General Ironsi.

By May 1967, Gowon made the boldest move of his career. Sensing Ojukwu’s move to secede, he broke Nigeria into twelve states. On the surface, it was a wartime calculation. It weakened the Eastern Region’s bargaining power and undercut Ojukwu’s leverage. But structurally, it did something deeper to the nation. It altered the federal architecture in ways Nigeria is still negotiating today. State creation became both a tool of integration and a permanent feature of political competition.

 

Then the war began.

From 1967 to 1970, the conflict bought Gowon something invaluable: time. Wartime narrows public focus. During wartime, survival takes precedence over reform as the need for stabilisation often overshadows scrutiny. In that environment, leadership is judged by endurance and cohesion, not administrative efficiency. During those years, Gowon was not managing oil wealth or civilian impatience. He was prosecuting a war to keep the country intact. That objective simplified politics. Loyalty was closely tied to national survival. Dissent could be framed as sabotage.

Victory in 1970 elevated him further. The war consolidated his authority and expanded his legitimacy. Ironically, oil revenues increased almost immediately, Nigeria’s international profile rose due to its economic and military strength.

However, once peace returned, expectations resurfaced. The same structure that had centralised authority during conflict now had to justify itself in peacetime. And peacetime is less forgiving. It demands timelines, reforms, and visible direction.

So, in many ways, the war strengthened Gowon. But it also postponed the day of reckoning. When that reckoning came in the early 1970s, through various debates about corruption, governance, and especially the transition to civilian rule, it was sharper because it had been deferred.

It was within this context his overthrow happened.

 

 

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[1] Omoigui, N. (n.d.). Military rebellion of July 29, 1975: The coup against Gowon – Part 6. Dawodu. Retrieved February 11, 2026, from https://www.dawodu.com/articles/military-rebellion-of-july-29-1975-the-coup-against-gowon-part-6-635

Watching Afamefuna recently stirred up my thoughts on the Igbo apprenticeship system. After chatting with a friend from the East, I felt compelled to write about it.

The Igbo people, famously associated with business and enterprise, have nurtured this system through the centuries, with its significance surging right after the Civil War in 1970.

For the Igbo apprentice, it’s not just about learning a trade, his experience is a cultural journey filled with resilience, community spirit, and the drive for independence.
Basically, the Igbo apprenticeship system is a form of vocational training where young individuals, typically males, are placed under the mentorship of established artisans or business owners to learn a specific trade or craft. This apprenticeship can last anywhere from a few years to a decade, during which the apprentice gains hands-on experience, technical skills, and valuable insights into the chosen profession.

Imagine Chibuzor, a young boy from Onitsha who, instead of heading off to a university, moves to his uncle’s shop in the bustling Alaba Market in Lagos to learn trade. Over the next five years, Chibuzor will learn everything about running a business, from bargaining with suppliers to handling stubborn customers.

Every morning, he’s there to sweep the shop, stock the shelves, and shadow his uncle. This is the essence of the Igbo apprenticeship system. Its comprehensive approach to education and economic empowerment is what makes it unique. Unlike formal education systems that often prioritise theoretical knowledge, this system emphasises practical skills and real-world experience.

In this system, the relationship between the oga (master) and the nwa boy (apprentice) goes beyond a simple job. Chibuzor learns not only the trade but also the art of igba mbo—hard work. He watches his uncle negotiate with customers and manages the daily hustle, and, over time, he becomes familiar with the highs and lows of the business. This is hands-on learning at its finest, and it teaches more than any classroom ever could. Apprentices not only learn the technical aspects of their trade but also absorb invaluable lessons in entrepreneurship, financial management, and social responsibility from their masters.

One of the unique aspects of this system is its principle of mutual exchange. Chibuzor works long hours, often late into the evening, but he knows it’s for a purpose. In exchange for his service, his uncle will eventually “settle” him—essentially providing him with the capital to start his own shop. This isn’t just business; it’s a cycle of empowerment, where today’s apprentice becomes tomorrow’s oga.

And when Chibuzor finally returns to Onitsha to open his own shop, he brings with him the economic ripple effect of his success, creating jobs for his community and investing back into the local economy.

What’s remarkable is how this system has adapted over time. Once upon a time, apprentices focused on traditional trades like palm wine tapping, blacksmithing or carpentry. Today, young men and women are learning everything from computer repairs to stock trading, all through this same mentorship model.

Even in the fast-paced world of tech, the Igbo apprenticeship system is alive and well, bridging the gap between tradition and innovation.

But it’s not always smooth sailing. There are tales of apprentices who, after years of service, feel betrayed by their masters. In some cases, as the settlement day approaches, the master might accuse the apprentice of theft or other wrongdoings, sometimes to avoid the cost of setting them up. For some, it’s a heartbreaking end to years of loyalty. Despite the possibility of such a story of betrayal, there are countless more of success, where apprentices go on to thrive and even become mentors themselves.

The Igbo apprenticeship system is a beautiful reminder of how community, hard work, and shared success can lift entire families and towns. In a world where education often means paper certificates, this tradition champions real-world learning and celebrates the journey from nwa boy to oga.

So, to all the Chibuzors out there, tirelessly grinding away in shops and stalls across Nigeria, your journey matters. You’re not just learning a trade—you’re keeping a legacy alive. Let’s celebrate this tradition and all it stands for.

What are your thoughts? Do you know someone who has gone through the Igbo apprenticeship system? I’d love to hear your stories!

I was going through some entries for the first edition of our magazines and quite a number of them depicted vivid imageries. However, a particular essay stood out and I kept grinning while reading, I was just asking myself why I enjoyed reading it so much and here’s why.

The simplicity made it so realistic and relatable. The writer was narrating a particular hiking adventure and it was sort of a gist-like writing so you could see emotions in the simple diction used.

For me the greatest writings are those which convey messages, stories, lessons or facts in the simplest way possible. Think about it, your favourite teacher/lecturer in school was the one who could explain topics with stories or vivid day to day analogy.

So when next you’re writing, keep it in mind that your goal isn’t to show off your grasp of vocabulary but to pass your message to as many audience as possible.

In Nigeria, two parallel worlds seemingly exist side by side – the world of informal transport, represented by the notorious “Agberos,” and the world of politics, characterized by its own complexities and dynamics. While seemingly unrelated at first glance, a closer examination reveals intriguing similarities in their modus operandi. In fact many Nigerians have been socialised into the necessity of an Agbero to political triumph. This piece of writing delves into the similarities of the informal transport and politics in Nigeria, shedding light on the shared elements that shape these two vital aspects of Nigerian society.

A major similarity is that both sectors in Nigeria thrive on a system of patronage and clientelism. In informal transport, Agberos gain power and influence by controlling access to passenger terminals and routes, leveraging this control to extract fees and bribes from transport operators. Similarly, in politics, political figures often build support networks by providing benefits to loyal followers, leading to a web of obligations and dependencies that perpetuate their power. This dynamics is often regarded as godfatherism or the cabal – while the godfather exacts sole authority often shared with loyalists bounded by shared interests, the cabal is a group of oligarchs who zone powers and slots in all sectors of the society and economy. The dynamics of these cabals is often beyond the realm of public eyes.
Another similarity is that both operate within a framework of informality and lack of regulation. In the transport sector, Agberos often function outside formal regulatory frameworks, bypassing licensing and safety standards. Similarly, politics in Nigeria has been marred by a lack of transparency and accountability, with many politicians evading scrutiny and operating with little oversight, leading to a perception of impunity which has continually questioned the potency of the Judiciary. As noticed in the 2023 election, Agberos play a vital role in electioneering. They are infamous for using violence and intimidation to maintain control over their territories both in the election and post election period. Nigerian politics has witnessed its fair share of thuggery and violence, with political rivals resorting to strong-arm tactics during elections or power struggles. This parallel underscores the unsettling overlap between the worlds of transport and politics in Nigeria.

One can not separate the influence of economic Motivations from both spheres of influence. Agberos engage in informal transport due to limited economic opportunities, and the lucrative nature of the transport sector serves as an attraction. Similarly, politics can be a pathway to wealth and influence, with politicians often pursuing personal gains through corrupt practices and embezzlement. The worlds of informal transport and politics intersect at the nexus of power and corruption. Agberos exploit their positions to gain economic advantages, while politicians exploit their positions of authority to amass wealth and influence. This intersection highlights the pervasive nature of corruption in Nigerian society and how it impacts various aspects of life.

The comparison between the modus operandi of informal transport and politics in Nigeria reveals a disconcerting overlap that speaks to larger systemic issues within the country. The presence of patronage, informality, violence, and corruption in both sectors underscores the need for comprehensive reforms to address these challenges. Addressing them would require a concerted effort by the Nigerian populace and civil societies. The question of the role of government depends on the individuals who occupy it and how they find their way top office. Ultimately, by recognizing and addressing the similarities between informal transport and politics one becomes more politically conscious.

While commuting in many urban cities around Nigeria one is quick to notice a significant presence of informal transport operators, colloquially known as ‘Agberos’ – a term that originates from the Yoruba language. Agbero loosely translates to “someone who helps collect passengers”. It is a Yoruba word, and as such, is written as agbèrò; re-do-do, per the Yoruba tonic sol-fa. These are usually gangsters engaged in informal transportation services, often operating in the grey areas of the law. For majority of Nigeria’s population, the encounter with ‘Agberos’ is a daily one. As many of them come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds and are driven to this line of work due to limited job opportunities. Their presence in the transport sector provides them with an opportunity to earn a livelihood, albeit in an unregulated and often exploitative manner.

If you take public transport in Lagos or Ibadan for instance, you will find them waiting at every bus stop along the way, crowding the bus as it pulls in to drop or pick passengers, hands outstretched for owo loading – money for loading. Never mind that they neither had any hand in the erection nor maintenance of the bus stop. Their insistence on getting certain monetary cuts from cab and bus driver often results in bitter altercations sometimes at the detriment of innocent commuters. Any driver that refuses to pay the tax risks having his conductor harrassed or a part of his bus (especially the windshield wipers) ripped off.

For those of you who have witnessed this exchange of money, let me explain the full details of what’s happens. Generally drivers pay three types of ‘taxes’ to Agberos: “booking”, which is paid so they can start work at the motor parks every morning; “loading”, which is paid before each trip and is usually a sum equal to the fare of two passengers; and “tickets”, which are undefined charges paid once or twice a day depending on the parks they use.

Addressing this issue requires a deeper understanding of the root causes of informal employment and the development of inclusive economic policies.

The existence of the Agberos underscores a lack of effective governance and regulation in urban transport systems. Many states within the federation do not have government playing an active role in the road transport industry. Weak enforcement of existing laws and regulations coupled with inadequate Urban Mass Transit schemes, enables informal transport operators to continue their activities with little accountability.

The Agbero Syndrome serves as a poignant reminder of the multifaceted challenges faced by urban centers in accommodating the needs of their growing populations. Sadly enough, majority of the urban population see the presence of an Agbero controlled transport system as a normal thing. Addressing this issue requires a holistic approach that involves stakeholders from the government, private sector, and civil society. By implementing comprehensive urban planning, strengthening regulatory frameworks, and creating viable economic opportunities, cities can gradually transition from the Agbero System towards a more sustainable and equitable urban transport industry.

The next article examines the role of Agberos in politics. Kindly subscribe to get notified when we publish new articles.

It’s really been such an exhausting week and it hasn’t even began. There’s always the tendency to get stuck in the abyss of thoughts consistently pervading one’s mind especially when the teacher strikes a cord with one of those historical allusions.

My Hausa friend!

My friend from the North!

Adaeze nudges me as if to say come back to class.

James!

Yes sir, I finally turn realising that I was the Hausa friend Mr. Kola was referring to. Most people in the Southwest seem to be so ignorant about the extent of Nigeria’s ethnic diversity; they seem to refer to every northerner as Hausa or everyone from the South-South and Southeastern part of Nigeria as Igbo. Well I know that most Nigerians are ignorant of ethnicities outside their geopolitical zones, I personally admire the rationale behind the NYSC Scheme. I think beyond mastering Mathematics and statistics Mr. Kola should learn history or simply become friends with Mr. Victor.

The next day Mr. Victor decides to add a twist to history class, I wish all other teachers could take a cue from him; if all students were taught this way, I doubt there would be failure in school. ‘Good morning class, today’s topic is about The Precolonial History of Nigeria but I would be telling you a story’. The whole class is excited about the thought of storytelling in history class.

Once upon a time, in the vast lands of Nigeria, a land as diverse as the colors of the rainbow, a group of scholars set out on a thrilling journey to uncover the hidden truths of their Nation. They were determined to shatter misconceptions and stereotypes that had clouded people’s minds for generations.

Meet Amina, a bright and cheerful young woman from the northern region. Contrary to popular belief, not everyone in the North is Hausa. Amina herself belonged to the Fulani tribe, a nomadic group known for their breathtaking traditional attire and exceptional herding skills. With her warm smile and tales of her nomadic experiences, she captured her friends’ hearts, painting a vivid picture of life amidst the Sahel where the Fura stills the soul. There is also Chinedu, a vibrant man from the southeast. As they advance, Chinedu shares the intriguing stories of his people, the Igbo, known for their strong entrepreneurial spirit and rich cultural heritage. He proudly describes the southeast as a melting pot of various ethnic groups like the Igbo, Ibibio, and Efik, among others, each contributing to the region’s unique tapestry. Yewande, a charismatic woman from the southwestern region is an epitome of class and poise. Proudly Yoruba, she details the exploits of the Yoruba people particularly the long history of powerful kingdoms such as the Oyo empire not to neglect the exceptional craftsmanship of its artists and blacksmiths. She delighted her friends with tales of Yoruba mythology, showing that her ethnic group’s influence extended beyond Nigeria’s borders, reaching far into the Caribbean and South America due to the transatlantic slave trade.

Advancing southward, they encountered Femi, a friendly and welcoming man from the Niger Delta region. Femi’s people, the Ijaw, were not only known for their fishing prowess but also for their unique blend of language and culture. Yes, you heard me right, Femi is Ijaw not Yoruba. He made sure his friends understood that the Niger Delta was not only a region of natural resources but also a land of diverse and distinct ethnicities some of which share close affinities with Yoruba nations such as the Ilajes.

The friends’ journey didn’t stop there. They met and learned about more ethnic groups such as the Tiv, Idoma, Kanuri, Ibibio, and so many others. Each community having its own rich history, unique language, customs, and traditions that contributed to the vibrant tapestry of Nigeria’s cultural landscape.

As the friends continued their expedition, they realized that the stereotypes they once held about Nigeria’s ethnic diversity were mere shadows in the light of reality. They had uncovered a nation with over 250 ethnic groups, each with its own distinct identity, languages, traditions, and contributing to the nation’s cultural heritage. Enlightened and humbled by their discoveries, the friends returned home with a newfound appreciation for their country’s diverse heritage. They vowed to share their experiences and educate others about the true extent of Nigeria’s ethnic diversity, breaking down barriers and fostering unity among all its people.

And so, the story of Amina, Chinedu, Yewande, and Femi’s epic journey spread far and wide. It became a beacon of hope and understanding, inspiring people to embrace the richness of Nigeria’s diversity and celebrate the unique identities that together formed the vibrant nation they call home. For it is in acknowledging and cherishing this diversity that Nigeria’s true strength and unity lie, like a kaleidoscope of colors creating a breathtaking masterpiece.

To be continued…

Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was a prominent activist and women’s rights advocate during Nigeria’s colonial era. She fought passionately against colonial oppression and played a crucial role in Nigeria’s struggle for independence. Ransome-Kuti was also a vocal champion of women’s rights and social justice. She founded the Abeokuta Women’s Union, which empowered women to participate in politics and demand better living conditions.

Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was born on October 25, 1900, in Abeokuta, in what was then the British protectorate of Nigeria. Her father, Daniel Olumeyuwa Thomas, was a Yoruba farmer and an Anglican minister, while her mother, Lucretia Phyllis Omoyeni Adeosolu, was a skilled trader. These early influences shaped Funmilayo’s strong sense of social justice and concern for the welfare of her people.

At the age of 11, Funmilayo was sent to the Abeokuta Grammar School, where she received a Western education that would later become instrumental in her activism. In 1919, she married Reverend Israel Oludotun Ransome-Kuti, who shared her passion for social change and supported her throughout her endeavors. Her activism began in the 1930s, during the height of British colonial rule in Nigeria. She became a vocal advocate for women’s rights and fought against various discriminatory practices and laws targeting Nigerian women. She founded the Abeokuta Ladies Club, which provided a platform for women to discuss issues affecting their lives and unite in the struggle for equality.

She was also a founding member of the Nigerian Women’s Union (NWU) in 1949, which later evolved into the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies (FNWS). Through these organizations, Funmilayo campaigned against taxation policies that unfairly burdened women and fought for increased political representation for women at both the local and national levels.

As Funmilayo’s influence grew, she expanded her activism beyond women’s rights. She became a prominent figure in the Nigerian independence movement, joining forces with other nationalists to advocate for self-rule and liberation from British colonial rule. One of her most notable moments came in 1947 during the Alake crisis. The Alake of Egbaland, Sir Ladapo Ademola II, was an influential traditional ruler who was perceived as collaborating with the British colonial authorities. In response to his actions, Funmilayo led a protest of Egba women to the Alake’s palace, demanding his abdication. This unprecedented action led to the Alake stepping down from his throne, symbolizing the power and determination of the Nigerian people in their fight for self-determination.

Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti’s legacy extends far beyond her activism during the Alake crisis. She was a tireless fighter for human rights, democracy, and social justice, and her contributions significantly influenced Nigeria’s political landscape. Her relentless advocacy played a crucial role in the development of Nigeria’s nationalist movement and laid the groundwork for the eventual independence of the country in 1960.

Unfortunately, her activism also made her a target of the colonial authorities and later, the Nigerian government. She was arrested and imprisoned several times for her activism and was even thrown out of a window during one particularly brutal crackdown on her son, Fela Anikulapo Kuti.
Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti’s journey from an educated Nigerian woman to a prominent political activist and feminist icon is a testament to the power of determination and courage in the face of adversity. Her life’s work significantly advanced the cause of women’s rights in Nigeria and laid the foundation for a more inclusive and equitable society.

Her unwavering dedication to social justice and the fight for independence earned her the revered title, “The Woman Who Dethroned the Alake.” Today, Funmilayo’s legacy continues to inspire activists and leaders, both in Nigeria and beyond, to strive for a better world where equality and justice prevail for all.

Her courage and determination continue to inspire women in Nigeria to raise their voices and fight for their rights.

Nigeria, has been home to numerous remarkable women who have shattered societal norms and barriers to pave the way for future generations. These female trailblazers have excelled in various fields and endeavours, leaving a lasting impact on their communities and inspiring countless individuals to reach for greatness.

This article, highlights some of the most notable Nigerian women who have made significant contributions in their respective fields, breaking through gender barriers and leaving a legacy that continues to inspire and empower others. Let’s take a look at their profiles.

Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is a globally renowned economist and development expert. No doubt she’s one of the first names you hear in the lips of Nigerian feminists. She served as Nigeria’s Finance Minister and later as the Managing Director of the World Bank. In 2021, Dr. Okonjo-Iweala made history by becoming the first woman and the first African to be appointed as the Director-General of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Her groundbreaking achievement not only highlights her exceptional leadership but also serves as an inspiration for women in Nigeria and beyond, encouraging them to pursue careers in international organizations and diplomacy.

Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie is a prolific author and feminist advocate whose literary works have received global acclaim. Her novels, such as “Purple Hibiscus,” “Half of a Yellow Sun,” and “Americanah,” explore themes of identity, culture, and feminism. Through her writing and public speaking engagements, Adichie has been an influential voice in challenging stereotypes and advocating for gender equality. Her impact has extended far beyond Nigeria’s borders, and she remains a powerful figure in the fight for women’s rights and social justice.

Dr. Stella Adadevoh was a Nigerian physician who made immense contributions to public health. Her quick thinking and medical expertise played a pivotal role in preventing the spread of the deadly Ebola virus in Nigeria in 2014. Despite facing immense pressure, she took a stand to isolate and treat the first Ebola patient in the country, ultimately sacrificing her life to protect others. Dr. Adadevoh’s dedication and selflessness have left an indelible mark on Nigeria’s healthcare system and serve as a reminder of the importance of putting public welfare above personal safety.

Nike Davies-Okundaye, also known as “Mama Nike,” is a renowned textile artist and entrepreneur. She is a custodian of Nigeria’s traditional art forms, particularly the intricate art of Adire textile dyeing. Through her art centers and workshops, Mama Nike has not only preserved traditional Nigerian art but has also empowered countless women by providing them with training and economic opportunities. Her efforts have contributed to the cultural heritage of Nigeria and empowered women to become self-reliant and financially independent.

These are just few of the female trailblazers in Nigeria who have defied stereotypes, overcome challenges, and made significant strides in their respective fields. From economics and literature to healthcare, activism, and the arts, these women have proven that gender should never be a barrier to success and influence. Their remarkable achievements continue to inspire and pave the way for future generations of Nigerian women to dream big and reach for the stars. As we celebrate these exceptional individuals, let us also acknowledge the countless other unsung heroines who contribute to Nigeria’s progress every day. Together, they form an indomitable force that is shaping the nation’s future with resilience and determination.

The concept of memorials dates far back to antiquity (pauses). I just realise I sound like Prof. Noble always dropping bombastic phrases perhaps to attract admiration from his audience. Well what I simply meant to say is that keeping memorials is innate to humans. From ancient civilizations till today, the act of memorializing has served as a timeless testament to our collective consciousness and the enduring legacy of significant events, individuals, and moments that shape our identities. Humans have consistently sought ways to connect with their ancestral past, seeking solace and wisdom in the lives of those who came before us. Memorials, whether grand monuments or humble family markers, serve as tangible conduits to access the past. Standing tall against the relentless currents of time, these monuments tell tales of bravery, love, loss, and the human spirit.

Lets consider the ancient pyramids of Egypt which stand as awe-inspiring edifices dedicated to pharaohs, preserving their memory for millennia. The Sphinx and Pyramid of Giza are classical examples which have served as archaeological sources for historical reconstruction. The inscriptions on weathered stones at historical sites like Petra, Machu Picchu, and Stonehenge offer glimpses into the lives of ancient civilizations and the cultures that shaped them. From the Great Wall of China to the Acropolis of Athens, memorials have borne witness to the rise and fall of empires, encapsulating both triumphs and tribulations.

Beyond individual memorials, we find ourselves drawn to collective memorials that bind us together as a community, nation, or even as a species. These memorials are often rooted in shared experiences of joy or sorrow, forming a powerful bond among those who visit them. The common folktales featuring animal actor such as the bird, turtles and lion stand as intangible memorials documenting shared values, beliefs, norms and mores.

But memorials are not solely dedicated to mourning or remembrance. Festive celebrations, such as Independence Day commemorations or religious festivals, serve as joyful memorials to mark significant events in the collective narrative of a society. As societies evolve, so too does the art of memorialization. In contemporary times, the internet and digital technologies have opened up new avenues for creating and experiencing memorials. Online memorial websites allow us to immortalize the memories of loved ones, enabling us to connect with their stories across vast distances and generations with pictures and videos permanently documented in cloud storages. The act of memorializing is not confined to historical events alone; it extends to our individual lives as well. We capture our cherished memories in photographs, journals, and personal artifacts, preserving a piece of ourselves for future generations. In doing so, we become creators of our own memorials, leaving behind a legacy of love, joy, and wisdom for those who come after us.

In paying homage to the memorial of memories, we celebrate the very essence of what it means to be human: our ability to remember, to learn, and to pass on the stories that define us. So let us embrace the gift of memorialization, for in doing so, we ensure that the voices of our ancestors resound through the ages, echoing their wisdom and shaping our path into the future.

Towards the last quarter of the 19th century Europe had found itself embroiled in series of alliances creating a favourable background for the World wars which later emerged. In the annals of history, few figures have left a more profound impact on the world stage than Otto Von Bismarck, the Iron Chancellor. Often credited as the mastermind behind the unification of Germany, his astute diplomatic maneuvers extended far beyond the borders of his homeland. As the Chancellor of the German Empire from 1871 to 1890, Bismarck skillfully constructed a web of alliances, forever altering the geopolitical landscape of Europe. Enough could not be said to account for the life and legacy of this enigmatic statesman, especially his role as the architect of the alliance system and the partitioning of Africa in the famous Berlin Conference of 1884/1885.

Otto Von Bismarck’s early political career was marked by his unwavering vision to unify the numerous German states into one powerful nation. After his appointed as the Prime Minister of Prussia in 1862, he embarked on a bold and calculated course to achieve this objective. Utilizing what he called “Realpolitik,” a pragmatic approach to diplomacy, Bismarck skillfully manipulated events to eliminate potential obstacles to German unification. One of his famous speeches stands out as an explanation to this concept. At the Prussian Diet on 30th September 1862, Bismarck amongst other things said ‘Not by parliamentary speeches and majority votes are the great questions of  the day determined – that was the mistake of 1848 and 1849 – but by iron and blood.’ He was alluding to the necessary requirement to achieve the unification of Germany, at the time a collection of small states governed by small-minded Kings and princes.

The first major step in Bismarck’s grand plan was the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. In a carefully orchestrated conflict, he smartly maneuvered Austria, the dominant German state, into a war, ensuring the support of key German states in the process. Prussia’s victory over Austria led to the dissolution of the German Confederation and the formation of the North German Confederation, a critical milestone on the path to German unification. This left him with one powerful enemy – France.

Bismarck’s most audacious move came with the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. Through a series of skillful diplomatic maneuvers, he provoked France into declaring war on Prussia. This carefully calculated move helped to rally the southern German states around Prussia and paved the way for the final unification of Germany under the leadership of King Wilhelm I of Prussia, who was crowned Emperor of Germany on January 18, 1871, at the Palace of Versailles. Having achieved the unification of Germany, Bismarck was well aware that maintaining its new-found status as a major European power required adept diplomacy. To prevent potential encirclement by hostile neighbors and safeguard Germany’s territorial gains, Bismarck set about crafting a complex web of alliances with Germany’s national interest as the critical motivation.

The first of these alliances was the Three Emperors’ League, formed in 1873. It united Germany, Austria-Hungary (they were not separate countries then), and Russia in a mutual defense pact, aiming to prevent conflict in Eastern Europe. Though short-lived, this alliance marked Bismarck’s initial steps in maintaining a delicate balance of power. In fact it would be impossible to explain the theory of balance of power without making reference to this instance. Recognizing the threat posed by a Franco-Russian alliance, Bismarck negotiated the Dual Alliance with Austria-Hungary in 1879. This pact assured mutual assistance in the event of an attack by Russia or any aggression by a third party supporting Russia. In 1882, the Dual Alliance expanded to include Italy, becoming the Triple Alliance. This alliance aimed to isolate France and keep potential rivals at bay. The Triple Alliance played a crucial role in maintaining peace in Europe for nearly three decades.

To counterbalance the Triple Alliance and ensure friendly relations with Russia, Bismarck negotiated the Reinsurance Treaty with Russia in 1887. This secret agreement promised neutrality in case of war between Germany and Russia’s respective allies.

From November 15 1884 to February 26 European Nations gather at Berlin to share African territories among themselves. Bismarck played a significant role in this pivotal event that reshaped the map of Africa and had far-reaching consequences for the continent’s future. By the late 19th century, European powers were increasingly interested in Africa’s vast resources and potential for economic exploitation. In the scramble for African territories, various European nations had begun to establish colonies, often leading to tensions and conflicts over territorial claims. To address these issues and avoid potential conflicts among European powers, Bismarck called for an international conference to discuss and regulate the colonization of Africa.

Bismarck maintained a neutral stance during the conference, portraying Germany as an impartial mediator rather than a colonizer. This allowed him to project a favorable image of Germany and establish diplomatic goodwill with other European powers. Through the conference, Bismarck sought international recognition for Germany’s status as a unified nation and a major player in European politics. The conference offered an opportunity for Germany to assert itself on the world stage, even in regions where it did not have any significant colonial presence.

Otto Von Bismarck’s astute statesmanship and diplomatic prowess forever changed the course of European history. As the architect of the alliance system, he skillfully navigated the complexities of international relations, ensuring Germany’s position as a major power and keeping the peace on the continent for a significant period. Though his alliances proved fragile in the hands of his successors, Bismarck’s legacy endures, illustrating the enduring influence of a true master of statecraft.

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A major feature of democratic systems is periodic change of government through election. In populated countries like Nigeria, elections are nothing short of excitement. The heightened atmosphere of anticipation and anxiety among the masses, regarding their attitude during the pre and post electoral process is always Captivating.

Many will agree that the country witnessed a major BREAKTHROUGH in it’s political history especially in the area of party system. For the very first time in the history of the country, the stereotypical practice of a de facto 2 Party system has been demystified. Hitherto, the political atmosphere used to be characterised by the predominance of two major parties dominating the political scene despite the provision for a multi party system in the Electoral Act.

The contest of previous presidential elections was usually dominated by two leading parties, which gave the illusion of a de facto two party system. But this year’s presidential election proved its uniqueness in various ways. For one the leading parties are three in number, the APC (All Progressive Congress), PDP (Peoples Democratic Party) and LP (Labour Party).

Another interesting fact is that neither of these leading political parties presented any Ex-military officer, this is the first time in Nigeria’s post military era that we witnessed a contest amongst civilians with no prior military background.

What are other interesting facts you found about this year’s election, let’s hear them in the comments.

It’s October 1, 1972 a beautiful Sunday morning, of course it’s also independence day in Nigeria and over two years since the end of the Civil war which sought to disintegrate the nation. The wounds from the 30 months war are still fresh and mutual suspicion abounds amongst the various ethnicities despite the Head of states famous declaration – ‘No Victor, no vanquished’. Gowon however goes a step further to launch the three Rs – Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction. Adebayo Adedeji, an economist and academic who had already become full-fledged Professor at the age of 36 years, had already been appointed as Nigeria’s Federal Commissioner for Economic Development & Reconstruction last year. One major recommendation he makes to the Federal Military Government is the launching of a mandatory service to the nation modelled on the American Peace Corps with the sole aim of fostering national integration. Today this recommendation features in the Head of State’s Independence Day speech as he announces that as part of the initiatives of the three Rs, a mandatory one year service for graduates would be introduced.
Fast forward to Monday, the 4th June 1973, General Yakubu Gowon addresses the management of the National Youth Service Corps which had been introduced the previous month by Decree No 24 of May 22, 1973.

“It has been generally accepted that if Nigeria is to make rapid progress on all fronts internally, and if she is to make her mark on the continent of Africa, and indeed, in the community of Nations, then her youths must be fully mobilised and be prepared to offer, willingly and without asking for rewards in return, their best in the service of their nation at all times. I wish to assure you, Mr. Chairman and Members of the Directorate of the National Youth Service Corps, of the full support and co-operation of all the Governments in the Federation in all your undertakings. Yours is not an easy assignment and the whole world will watch to see what you make of this bold and challenging venture. God willing you will not fail. I wish you the very best of luck, success and God’s blessings. Thank you.”
Col. Ahmadu Ali immediately assumes responsibility as the first Director-General of the Scheme and is tasked with the responsibility of going around the higher institutions to calm the protesting students. The announcement of the new scheme had been accompanied by widespread protests by parents and wards. The next month, Monday the 2nd of July, the first set of Corp members comprising 2,364 graduates drawn from the existing universities (University of Ibadan, University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University, University of Nigeria, Ahmadu Bello University, and University of Lagos).
Fifty years later the scheme mobilizes an average of 350,000 eligible Prospective Corp Members every year thereby making it the biggest youth mobilization agency in Africa. It has been a template for other African youth schemes such as the Gambia National Youth Service Scheme (GNYSS) launched on Friday, the 26th January 1996 with the assistance of Directorate members from the NYSC. Fifty years later, despite numerous criticism against the scheme, it has remained one of the greatest tool for unification and National integration among Nigerian Youths.

Parade Attention!

Salute!

These are some of the few words of command most members of the civilian population resonate with. We sometimes wonder why the life of the Force is characterised by loud jamborees. There are of course many obvious reasons why the life of a soldier has to be regimented but today we would be discussing why soldiers shout the words of command, especially during parades.
The use of shouted military commands can be traced back to ancient times. It was particularly prevalent in armies before the widespread use of radios and other modern communication technologies. In order to ensure that the instructions were clearly heard and understood simultaneously by the soldier, especially in noisy and chaotic environments such as during combat or training exercises superior officers usually shouted commands. This made it easier for soldiers to hear and respond quickly. Ancient civilizations such as the Greeks and Romans established a formidable armed force which has remained a model for most military formations today in terms of discipline and regimentation, thus, most of the traditions remain in the military culture. In formations such as the phalanx, where soldiers fought shoulder to shoulder, commanders needed to shout orders to be heard over the noise of battle and ensure coordination, of course with the advancement in technology and historical experience many military exercises prioritise stealth in certain operations hence, not all commands are shouted. There are situations where quieter or more discreet communication methods, such as hand signals or radio transmissions, are employed to maintain stealth or operational security.
While advancements in communication technology, such as radios, have significantly changed military command and control methods, shouting commands is still employed in various situations. It continues to be used in training exercises, close-quarters combat scenarios, and situations where rapid and direct communication is required.
It’s worth noting that modern militaries have also developed other methods of communication, such as hand signals, radios, and encrypted digital systems, to complement or replace shouted commands, depending on the operational needs and circumstances. These additional communication tools provide more flexibility, security, and efficiency in relaying instructions, but shouting commands retains its significance in certain military contexts especially in most of ceremonial parades.

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Stress is a concept we’re all familiar with, when a strain or unnecessary pressure mounts up we say we are stressed the definition however varies from person to person or even circumstances.

In linguistics stress could mean the relative emphasis that may be given to certain syllables in a word, or to certain words in a phrase or sentence. In English, stressed syllables are louder than non-stressed syllables. Also, they are longer and have a higher pitch.
Stress is indicated with a stress Mark (‘) or stroke (|)before the stress syllable eg. /’vision/.

Tips for identifying stress in words

1. Generally affixes are not stressed.
2. For words ending with suffixes like “ion, ily, ic, ial, ian” the stress is usually on the penultimate syllable.
3. In polysyllabic words ending with the suffixes “ate, cal, al, fy, cy, ty, phy, gy” the stress is usually on the antepenultimate
4. Words with suffixes “ment” retain the same stress as the root word.
5. Polysyllabic words with the suffixes “sion, ist, ize, able, tor, ry” are usually stressed on the ante penultimate
6. Weak vowels (schwa sounds) are not stressed at all e.g aGAIN
9. In words that you can not quickly spot any prefix or suffix or u have more than one root words, stress placement may be difficult
10. Words that are mono syllabic in nature are naturally stressed
11. The teen in number words are often stressed e.g sevenTEEN
12. In a two syllable words the syllable that has a dipthong or long vowel sound usually carries the stress e.g deBATE /ei/

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On May 1st every year, people in many nations of the world celebrate the fruits of hard-working men and women across the globe. It is also a time to celebrate the struggles the working class has endured to achieve its rights and freedoms – working conditions, such as working eight hours a day, fair wages and gender equality in the workplace. International Workers’ Day is historically associated with communist ideology, that is, the fight against capitalism. In the Soviet Union, this anniversary was one of the most important public celebrations of the year, when communist governments held grand military and civilian parades to demonstrate the strength of the ruling class.

Also known as Labor Day or May Day, the celebration falls on May 1 and is a holiday in more than 80 countries. It is to honor the contributions of workers, promote their rights and celebrate the labor movement.

While May Day was also a holiday to mark the arrival of spring in the Northern Hemisphere, it became associated with union activism in the late 19th century. Protests and strikes took place around the world on this day, sometimes leading to brutal clashes with the police. The day even became more significant when the Catholic Church established the feast of Saint Joseph the Worker on May 1st, 1955.

While much of the world observes International Workers’ Day on May 1st, the United States celebrates International Workers’ Day on the first Monday in September. It was declared a national holiday in 1894, following the many decades of workers’ rights movements in the United States that led to the holiday becoming an official federal holiday. This movement is promoted by labor unions and their members, especially in the industrial sectors of the economy such as manufacturing, mining, textiles and construction workers.
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A collocation is a predictable combination of words. In other words collations are two or more words that often go together. This combination sound natural to a native english speaker
E.g A fast train ✔️
A quick train❌
We study collocation because we want our english to be natural.
How to learn collocation
1. You must be aware of collocation and try to recognise them when you see or here them.
2. When you learn a new word write down other words that collocates with it.
3. Read as much as possible, Reading is an excellent way to boost your vocabulary.
4. Revise what you have read or learn regularly.
Types of collocations
1. Adverb + Adjective
E.g. Utterly stupid
Invading that country was an utterly stupid thing to do.
E.g. Richly decorated
I entered a richly decorated house.
E.g. Fully aware
Are you fully aware of the principal’s death.

2. Adjective + Noun
E.g. Excruciating pain
She has an excruciating pain.

3. Noun + Noun
E.g. Cease fire agreement
The cease fire agreement came into effect by 12:00pm.
E.g. Round of applause
Give him a round of applause.
We were forced to give Johnson a round of applause.
E.g. Bars of soap
She gave two bars of soap.

4. Noun + Noun
E.g. Lion roar and Dog barking
The lion started to roar when it’s heard the dog barking.

5. Verb + Noun
E.g. Committing murder
The prisoner was hanged for committing murder.
E.g. Make my bed
Before leaving the house I always make my bed.

6. Verb + An expression + Preposition
E.g. Run out of money
We had to trek home because we had run out of money.
Shola run out of money after spending recklessly.
E.g. Burst into tears
She burst into tears, when her fiancee called of the wedding.

7. Verb + Adverb
E.g. Whisper something
She whisper’s something into qudus’s ear.


Exercise
Complete the Collocation
1. I was running late, so I only had time for a _________ shower.
(a. Short, b. Quick, c. Fast)
2. I was so tired when I got home, that I had to order for a _________ from the restaurant.
(a. Quick food, b. Fast food, c. Rapid food)
3. The __________ will be a three hour written examination.
(a. Final test, b. Last test, c. Total test, d. Complete test)
4. ________ name on the attendance list.
(a. Put your, b. Write your, c. Drop your, d. Hit your)
5. Yaro failed his exams, because he did not __________ it
(a. Rehearse for, b. Revise for, c. Study for, d. Prepare for)

Answers to Exercise
1. B
2. B
3. A
4. A
5. C

Exercise 2
Choose the most appropriate interpretation for each sentences

1. I would be in deep waters if I don’t pass my examination. This means that I would be?
(a. Drowned, b. Surprised, c. In a dilemma, d. In trouble)
2. My mates gave me the cold shoulder because I voted against our on-going strike, this means that they?
(a. Poured cold water on me, b. Attacked me, c. Were unfriendly towards me, d. Removed me from school)
3. I heard James insulting his mother, which was out of character, this means that it was?
(a. What he always did, b. Due to annoyance, c. Not typical of him, d. An unfriendly behavior)
4. Tolani has been throwing her weight about since she completed university, this means that tolani has?
(a. Become very fat, b. Turned restless, c. Been found everywhere, d. Been behaving arrogantly)
5. After weeks of exciting training, Bruce Lee suddenly got cold feet on the day of the competition, this means that he? (a. Had a swollen foot, b. Decided not to play, c. Became nervous, d. Fell ill)

Answers to Exercise 2
1. D
2. C
3. C
4. D
5. C

It’s been two decades since grandpa Sam departed to the great beyond, however I still get this nostalgic feeling of our conversation, how Vershima seems to take over the discussion and all. But today feels real like it were a physical presence. I wake up to the cockcrow which seem to pick the darkest hour before dawn – well I usually prefer this particular hour of the day for my stroll round the estate because you get to enjoy the serenity and ambience, this has been the period when I get inspiration for most of my literature.

However I turn and shudder at the call of my middle name Toluwalase; no one ever calls me that except… Oh my God, yes except grandpa Sam, I turn to see what seems to be grandpa’s hologram. The next five minutes are emotional as his words and advice for living brings the feeling of a deathbed wish, for a while it feels so real then like scales dropping from my eyes I suddenly see through the smokescreen and facade. Alas, the strange meeting had been a carefully arranged Con.

Suddenly, I awake from my sleep, the time is 03:00hours a time where most humans dream strange dreams. The words ‘do not be conformed… but be transformed by the renewing of your mind’ pop up, did the Holy Spirit just minister to me through the book of Romans 12:2? But, LORD, how does this correlate with what just happened I ask with goose bumps already covering my skin. ‘Relax’ He says, ‘many have gone astray because their emotions deceived them.

Great people are not led by their emotions.

The idea of history and the past are two different things – the past has happened and cannot be changed, however, history is constantly redefined. Because it is an intellectual discipline it undergoes constant revisions because every generation rewrites history focusing on different interests relevant to the current trends (modern concerns).

E.H Carr defines it as a dialogue between the historian and his facts, he argues that history is about facts and collecting as many as possible. In actual sense, the facts only speak when the historian calls on them hence the process of making history is heavily reliant on how the historian interprets his facts. Facts are collected, interpreted and written into a narrative. One major problem about history is the shortage or unavailability of facts and evidence needed to conclusively form a theory or narrative, however, this does not mean that, that thing did not happen at all.

History is a community of arguments where a historian is held accountable by other historians. Hence you do not have ‘the definite history of something or someone’, rather you use the indefinite article ‘a’ to indicate you are simply adding your voice to an argument. The historian is engaged in a continuous process of moulding his facts to his interpretation and his interpretation to his facts. It is a continuous process, some facts are collected, a tentative interpretation is made, more facts are collected, the interpretation is revised.

The facts of the past are only accessible through the present; the very words which the historian uses (words like democracy, empire, war, revolution) have current connotations from which he can not separate them. In actual sense, the beliefs and ideas of people concerning basic societal issues may differ from one generation to another. The past is logical to us only through the perspective of the present and we can only understand the present if we have knowledge of the past.

The knowledge of history is crucial to the growth of any society as it helps to track the progress and advancement of societies over time, it serves as a yardstick for judging progress. It is therefore necessary to understand it as the lack of it leads to the death of a society – just like a human being who has his memory erased.

This has been an age long debate even among historians (scholars of history). There is no absolute definition of the subject matter and what constitutes it.

To some it is the rendition of events or stories of the past, the reason some people erroneously attribute the origin of the word to be from ‘his’ and ‘story’. To others, it is the chronicling, writing and rendition of global events hence the common phrase ‘history is made’ or the other one about a predecessor repeating history.

In the subsequent article Feyintola would be airing her views on the subject matter of history. Stay tuned.

Let’s hear your thoughts.